toffe peer die Galloway 

In eerste instantie geplaatst door aboe bakr Bismillah Irahman Irahiem asalama alykoum wahrahmatoe allahie wabrakatoe alhoumdillah dat er ook goeie Amerikaanen en Britten zijn die net als mij en andere moslims onze woede wel zullen begrijpen en Blair en Bush als een ware terrroristen zien en met deze niet moslims zou ik zeer zeker in vrede kunnen en willen leven alleen ben ik bang dat er dankzij deze 2 oorlogs misdadigers de kloof en de haat sterk is gegroeid tussen de moslims en niet moslims en het nog groter zal worden wanner ze andere islamitische landen zullen binnenvallen wa gair inshallah

Inderdaad! Er zijn ook goede westerlingen!
Het is hartstikke zonde om een heel volk te verdoemen om de daden van twee stuks uitschot. Oh, Ik ben toch zo blij dat d'r ook een fijne westerling op het forum verschijnt!

Engeltje (Spontaan in een jubelstemming)

De meeste westerlingen zijn het wel eens met de uitspraken van Gallaoway.

Hoe zou volgens jou het systeem moeten zijn? Laat s.v.p. de koran er even buiten. Beantwoordt mijn vraag op praktische argumenten en niet op koranische teksten of godsdienstige overtuigingen.

Ben benieuwd.

In eerste instantie geplaatst door pietjepuk Hoe zou volgens jou het systeem moeten zijn? Laat s.v.p. de koran er even buiten. Beantwoordt mijn vraag op praktische argumenten en niet op koranische teksten of godsdienstige overtuigingen. Ben benieuwd.

Laat mij jou het voorbeeld geven van onze Somali broeders en zusters. Het concept van een aantal jaren geleden heb ik persoonlijk in mijn handen gehad. Ook de opstellers en onderhandelaren van toen heb ik persoonlijk mogen ontmoeten. Of het onderstaande hetzelfde ontwerp is, moet ik nu maar even aannemen. Ik heb nu geen tijd om het helemaal door te gaan lezen op fouten. Op de site kan je de hele constitutie doorlezen.

 

(bron: www.somalilandforum.com/somaliland/constitution/revised_cons titution.htm)

 

THE CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOMALILAND

(As Amended)

The people of Somaliland in a Referendum, under Article 130 of the Constitution, formally adopted this Constitution on 31 May 2001

IN THE NAME OF ALLAH, THE COMPASSIONATE AND THE MERCIFUL

PREAMBLE

IN PURSUANCE of the resolutions of the Conference of the Somaliland Communities held in Burao on 27^th April to 5^th May 1991, which reaffirmed (our) independence with effect from 18^th May 1991;

NOTING that the Conference of the Elders of the Somaliland Communities held in Borama from 24^th January to 25^th May 1993 adopted a National Charter which:

�      laid down that a national constitution which will replace the national charter be prepared and consulted upon within a year; (and)

�      set out clearly the constitutional principles and the governmental structures, confident in their communities� inalienable right to decide their destiny;

HAVING experienced the dire consequences of the application of a constitution not grounded on the nation�s beliefs, culture and aspirations, as was the case for a period of thirty years;

HAVING experienced the devastation wrought by a regime based on dictatorship and a policy of divide and rule to which the country was subjected for over twenty years, and ever vigilant of the return of such a regime;

REMEMBERING the series of struggles waged by the people, such as that of the �Darawiish�, religious leaders and political parties;

MINDFUL of the vigorous campaign led by the patriotic organisation, the SNM, which culminated in the reassertion of (our) independence which was achieved through sacrifice of life and property so that the nation can enjoy a governmental system which meets its needs;

DESIROUS of a state which fulfils the aspirations of the nation, and is thereby appreciated by all, and which is founded on equality and justice;

RECOGNISING that lasting stability and peace can be achieved through a synergy between the economic system and the aspirations of the nation;

CONFIDENT that the Somaliland nation is a family that has everything in common, such as religion, culture, customs and language; and whose members are no different from each other and are ready to build together a state in which everyone has equal status;

AWARE that the preparation of the Constitution has gone through various stages and committees, such as the Constitution Working Party which was enjoined by the third General Conference on 26^th November 1996 to sift through the two draft versions of the Constitution; and more recently, the corrections and amendments made by the two Houses of Parliament on 30^th April 2000; and that the Constitution was based on the following issues:

a.   The Islamic Sharia.

b.   Conclusions from the various consultations.

c.   The separation of powers of the state as between the legislative, the executive and the judiciary.

d.   The decentralisation of the administration of the government.

e.   Guarantees of private property rights and the protection of the free market.

f.     Sanctity of human life through the entrenchment of fundamental rights and individual freedoms.

g.   Peaceful and proper co-existence with the states in the region and world wide;

HAVING thoroughly considered the spirit and words of the preamble and the rest of the Constitution;

The people of Somaliland hereby approve and proclaim to the whole world on this  ��    day of  ��.., that this constitution has been adopted as the nation�s Constitution.

 

THE CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOMALILAND

(AS AMENDED)

The people of Somaliland in a Referendum, under Article 130 of the Constitution, formally adopted this Constitution on 31 May 2001

ARRANGEMENTS OF THE CHAPTERS

(This is now part of the Revised Constitution)

PREAMBLE

CHAPTER ONE

Part One

General Provisions

Article 1: The State of the Republic of Somaliland

Article 2: The Territory of the Republic of Somaliland

Article 3: The Capital

Article 4: Citizenship

 Article 5: Religion

Article 6: Language

Article 7: The Flag, the Emblem and the National Anthem

Part Two

General Principles

Article 8: Equality of Citizens

Article 9: The Political System

Article 10: Foreign Relations

Article 11: The National Economy

Article 12: Public Assets, Natural Resources and Indigenous Production

 Article 13: Banks

Article 14: Taxes and Duties

Article 15: Education, Youth and Sports

Article 16: Promotion of Knowledge and Literature, Arts and Culture

Article 17: Health

Article 18: Environment and Disaster Relief

Article 19: Care of the Vulnerable in Society 

Article 20: Work, Trade, and the Welfare of Employees

Part Three

The Rights of the Individual, Fundamental Freedoms and the Duties of the Citizen

Article 21: Implementation and Interpretation

Article 22: Political, Economic, Social and Electoral Rights

Article 23: Freedom of Movement and Association

Article 24: The Right to Life, Security of the Person, Respect for Reputations, and Crimes Against Human Rights

Article 25: The Right to Liberty, Guarantees and the Conditions of Rights and Freedoms

Article 26: Crime and Punishment

Article 27: The Rights of Persons Deprived of their Liberty

Article 28: The Right to Sue and Defend

Article 29: The Sanctity of the Home

Article 30: Freedom of Communication

Article 31: The Right to Own Private Property

Article 32: Freedom of Public Demonstration and Expression of Opinion, Freedom of the Press and Other Media

Article 33: Freedom of Belief

Article 34: The Duties of the Citizen and Punishment for Failure to Fulfill them

Article 35: Extradition of Accused or Convicted Persons and Political Asylum

Article 36: The Rights of Women

CHAPTER TWO

THE STRUCTURE OF THE STATE

Article 37: The Powers and the Sovereignty of the State

Part One

The Legislative Branch

Article 38: The Parliament and Joint Sittings

The House of Representatives

Article 39: General Provisions of the House

Article 40: The Total Membership of the House and Elections

Article 41: Eligibility for Candidacy

Article 42: Period of Office and Election Term

Article 43: The Seat of the House

Article 44: The Convening of the New House

Article 45: The Meetings of the House of Representatives

Article 46: Sessions and the Procedures of the House of Representatives

Article 47: The Pay and Remuneration of the House of Representatives

Article 48: Prohibition of Holding other Responsibilities

Article 49: The Privileges of the Members of the House of Representatives

Article 50: Loss of Membership of the House of Representatives

Article 51: Filling Vacant Seats in the House of Representatives

Article 52: Staff of the House of Representatives

Article 53: The Powers and Duties of the House of Representatives

Article 54: The Legislative Powers of the House of Representatives

Article 55: The Budget

Article 56: Dissolution of the House of Representatives

Part 2

The House of Elders

Article 57: General Provisions of the House

Article 58: The Election of the Members of the House and their Period of Office

Article 59: Eligibility for Election to Membership of the House of Elders

Article 60: The Total Membership of the House of Elders

Article 61: The Powers and Duties of the House of Elders

Article 62: The Inaugural Meeting of the House of Elders

Article 63: The Secretary of the House and Advisers

Article 64: The Rules of the House

Article 65: The Pay and Remuneration of the House of Elders

Article 66: The Privileges of the Members of the House of Elders

Article 67: Resignation of Members of the House of Elders

Article 68: Loss of the Membership of the House of Elders

Article 69: The Dissolution of the House

Article 70: Prohibition of Holding other Responsibilities and of Private Gain

Article 71: Meetings and Sessions

Article 72: Vacant Seats in the House of Elders and Procedures for Filling them

Article 73: The Seat of the House of Elders

Article 74: The Introduction of Bills

Article 75: The Enactment, Promulgation and Implementation of Legislation

Article 76: Bills

Article 77: Procedures for Legislation

Article 78: Non-Financial Bills

Article 79: Accusations against the Members of the Houses

CHAPTER THREE

THE EXECUTIVE

Part One

Article 80: The President and the Vice-President

Article 81: The Executive Branch

Article 82: The Conditions of Eligibility for Election as President or Vice-President

Article 83: Election Procedures

Article 84: The President and the Vice-President

Article 85: Matters which the President and the Vice-President are not Allowed

Article 86: Vacancy of Office and the Procedure for the President and the Vice-President to Vacate their Office

Article 87: Salary and Emoluments

Article 88: Term of Office

Article 89: Procedure for Filling the Vacancy

Part Two

Article 90: The Powers of the President

Article 91: Powers of the Vice-President

Article 92: Other Powers of the President Relating to Emergency Laws

Article 93: The Protocol of the Senior Leaders of the State

Article 94: The Council of Ministers

Article 95: The Continuation of Responsibilities

Article 96: Accusation against and Impeachment of the President, the Vice-President and the Ministers

CHAPTER FOUR

Part One

The Judiciary

Article 97: The Judicial Branch

Article 98:  The Exclusive Powers of the Judiciary

Article 99: The Structure of the Judiciary

Article 100: The Courts

Article 101: The Supreme Court

Article 102: The Lower Courts

Article 103: The Procuracy

Article 104: The Courts and Procuracy of the armed Forces

Article 105: The Appointment of the Chairman and Judges of the Supreme Court

Article 106: The Relationship of the Judicial Bodies and the Ministry of Justice

CHAPTER FIVE

MISCELLANEOUS PROVISIONS

Part One

Article 107: The Judicial Commission

Article 108: The Functions of the Judicial Commission

Part Two

 

Article 109: The Structure of the Country

Article 110: The Administration of the Regions and the Districts

Article 111: The Regional and District Councils

Article 112: The De-centralisation of Administrative Powers

Part Three

Article 113: Special Organs of State

Article 114: The Appointment of and Removal from Office of Heads of the (State) Organs

Article 115: The Ulema Council and their Responsibilities

Article 116: The Total Membership of the Council and Term of Office

Article 117: The Conditions of Membership

Article 118: Matters which Members are not Allowed

Article 119: The Appointment of the Members of the Ulema Council

Article 120: Vacancies in the Membership of the Ulema Council

Article 121: Salaries and Remuneration

Article 122: The Law of the Organs of State

Part Four

Article 123: The Principles of the National Armed Forces

Article 124: The Police and the Corrections Forces

Article 125: The Preparation of the Referendum Law and the Appointment of the Referendum Committee

Article 126: Amendments or Corrections of the Constitution

Article 127: The Limits of Amendments or corrections of the Constitution

Article 128: The Basis of and the Supremacy of the Constitution

Article 129: The Constitutional Oath

Article 130: The Implementation of the Constitution and Interim Provisions

 

Salaam,

op papier zien grondwetten e.d. er altijd indrukwekkend uit, uitpuilend van de goede bedoelingen en mooie woorden. Maar papier doet niks; als de mensen die verantwoordelijk zijn voor de uitvoering van zulke grondwetten niet deugen, deugt het systeem ook niet. In het geval van Somalie is het initiatief goed, het probleem is (uiteraard) dat de voormalige warlords nu in de federale regering zitten, en zo geen verantwoordelijkheid hoeven te nemen voor de misdaden die ze eerder begaan hebben. En alle mooie praatjes ten spijt, als het deze krijgsheren zijn die deze grondwet ten uitvoer moeten brengen, dan heb ik de neiging al bij voorbaat de handdoek in de ring te gooien.

Deze ontwerp constitutie stamt uit 2001. Vandaag de dag, ondanks alle mooie blabla, gaan martleingen en verkrachtingen van overheidswege nog gewoon door. Deze grondwet is een wassen neus. Geen enkel systeem deugt als de mensen die het moeten uitvoeren niet deugen.

Van de website van amnesty international dit stuk uit het jaarboek 2004 over Somalie: http://web.amnesty.org/report2005/som-summary-eng 

Somalia

Somalia Head of Transitional National Government (until October): Abdiqasim Salad Hassan Head of state of Transitional Federal Government (from October): Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed Head of government of Transitional Federal Government (from December): Ali Mohamed Gedi Head of Somaliland Republic: Dahir Riyaale Kahin Head of Puntland Regional State: Mohamed Abdi Hashi (replaced Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed in October) Death penalty: retentionist International Criminal Court: not signed UN Women�s Convention and its Optional Protocol: not signed Further information Somalia: Urgent human rights message to the peace talks in Kenya (AI Index: AFR 52/002/2004) Somaliland: 16-year-old girl jailed for five years in grossly unfair espionage trial should be released or retried (AI Index: AFR 52/005/2004) All AI documents on Somalia

Covering events from January - December 2004

Background

Throughout Somalia�s central and southern regions and the capital, Mogadishu, there was constant insecurity and frequent faction fighting. There had been no national government or administration, army, police or justice system since 1991. The Transitional National Government (TNG), set up in 2000, controlled only a small part of Mogadishu. Other areas were held by various armed clan-based faction leaders, some belonging to the Somalia Reconciliation and Restoration Council (SRRC), a coalition backed by Ethiopia.

Drought continued to create a humanitarian emergency in the north-west. Aid workers were often at risk. A UN staff member was kidnapped in January in Kismayu and held for several days, and a Kenyan and a Somali aid worker were killed in Somaliland in March.

Following a visit by the UN Independent Expert for Somalia, the UN Commission on Human Rights passed a resolution in April calling on all parties to stop acts of violence and to respect human rights and international humanitarian standards. It extended the mandate of the Independent Expert for Somalia for one year: AI urged the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to appoint a human rights adviser for Somalia.

In August a UN panel of experts monitoring the 1992 international arms embargo on Somalia issued its third report on illegal weapons transfers from governments in the region and private arms dealers.

The self-declared regional state of Puntland, formed in the north-east in 1998, supported the new federal Charter and Puntland�s President became President of Somalia. Elections in Puntland were due in early 2005 but political parties had not been formed by the end of 2004.

The Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami disaster in December caused more than 150 deaths and displaced thousands of people on the Puntland coast.

Somaliland

The Somaliland Republic, established in the north-west in 1991, was the only part of the former Somali Republic to have a government, a civil service, a multi-party system and a justice system. A National Human Rights Commission was in preparation, with the support of local non-governmental organizations (NGOs).

Somaliland pursued its demand for international recognition and refused to participate in the peace talks in Kenya or to join a new federal Somalia. There was brief fighting between Somaliland forces and neighbouring Puntland in January and October over rival claims to eastern border regions.

Transitional Federal Government

In October the TNG ended with the swearing-in of a President for the incoming Transitional Federal Government (TFG), after two years of peace talks in neighbouring Kenya. Under a transitional Charter (interim constitution), a 275-member parliament was formed, with seats allocated to the four main clans and to minority communities. The parliament elected a national President, who appointed a Prime Minister to form a government to take office in early 2005 for the five-year transition period. The Charter requires the disbanding of the militias of the �warlords�. A planned attack on the port of Kismayu by a warlord, General Mohamed Said Hersi �Morgan�, was narrowly averted in September. The TFG was expected to relocate from Kenya to Somalia in early 2005 when security permitted.

The international community promised future assistance for reconstructing the collapsed state as part of an arrangement for international recognition and support for the TFG. Agreements designed to guarantee peace, good governance and protection of human rights were under discussion. An African Union peace-support force was being prepared to assist with security and demobilization of faction militias.

Rule of law

There was no effective or competent system of administration of justice to uphold the rule of law and provide impartial protection of human rights. The TNG and faction leaders failed to protect citizens. Abuses by faction militias, including child soldiers, were committed with impunity. Some Shari�a (Islamic law) courts functioned on a local basis, but did not meet international standards of fair trial.

Clan-based faction militias protected their own clan members, leaving unarmed minorities vulnerable to abuses.

Conditions in the TNG�s central prison in Mogadishu were harsh.

In Somaliland there were arbitrary arrests, allegations of torture, and unfair political trials.

• In January, Osman Mohamoud (known as �Bur-Madow�), a clan leader, was arrested and charged with insulting the president and demoralizing the army. He had attempted to mediate the Somaliland-Puntland conflict in Sool region. He was convicted on the first charge and sentenced to six months� imprisonment.
• In June, 30 Ethiopian Somalis arrested in December 2003 and accused of being fighters of the Ogaden National Liberation Front (an Ethiopian opposition force) were sentenced to three and five-year prison terms. Their appeal had not been heard by the end of 2004.
• In December, Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh, aged 16, was convicted of espionage and imprisoned for five years after a grossly unfair trial where her rights as a child were given no recognition. The judge summarily dismissed her allegations of rape and torture by police officers. He sentenced her four defence lawyers to three years� imprisonment for contempt of court, but they were released on appeal after payment of a fine.

Journalists

At least 17 journalists were arrested during 2004, mostly for short periods, and some of them were beaten, because they had reported human rights abuses or criticized �warlords� or political authorities.

• In Puntland, Abdishakur Yusuf Ali, editor of War Ogaal newspaper, was arrested for the seventh time in April and sentenced to six months� imprisonment but released on appeal and payment of a fine in June.
• In Somaliland, Hassan Said Yusuf, editor of Jamhuuriya (The Republican) newspaper, was arrested in August on account of an article about the peace talks. He alleged that police officers threatened to kill him. In October he was acquitted of publishing a false report. This was said to be his 15th arrest on such charges.

Human rights defenders

Despite the risks, human rights defenders in Somalia and Somaliland campaigned for respect for human rights and reported on violence against women and minorities, faction killings, arbitrary arrests, kidnappings and political trials.

• In the trial of Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh in Somaliland, human rights activists publicly criticized the trial and imprisonment of defence lawyers. Some were arrested outside the court but released uncharged after some hours.

Women�s rights

The allocation of seats in the transitional parliament failed to meet the Charter�s quota of 12 per cent women. Women had little access to public decision-making and justice in Somaliland and Puntland.

Women�s organizations in all areas campaigned against violence against women, including female genital mutilation, which continued to be widespread. Women human rights defenders also campaigned against domestic violence and rape of internally displaced women.

Minority rights

Some progress towards recognition of minority rights was reflected in the allocation of 31 seats in the transitional parliament to minority communities. However, social discrimination and abuses by clan members persisted, particularly against the under-privileged Bantu group (also known as Jarir) and occupational groups such as the Midgan.

Refugees and internally displaced people

Refugees continued to flee from faction fighting, kidnappings, threats to human rights defenders and other abuses.

Over a third of a million internally displaced people survived in extremely poor conditions in camps, where food supplies were often diverted by clan militias, and rape of minority women was common. In Kismayu, minority families were forced to hand over a substantial proportion of relief supplies to clan members and many had to pay clan members to protect them from local factions.

Death penalty

Official courts, including Islamic courts and informal clan �courts�, continued to impose the death penalty and executions were carried out in several areas. Compensation (diya) was paid in some murder cases as an alternative to execution.

• In Somaliland in July, two men were sentenced to death (one in absentia) for involvement in an armed attack on Hargeisa airport in March 2003 in support of Jama Mohamed Ghalib, a government opponent who was briefly detained and then deported. The appeal against the death sentence and prison sentences imposed on 11 others had not been heard by the end of 2004.

Wassalam,

Amier.

In eerste instantie geplaatst door aboe bakr Bismillah Irahman Irahiem asalama alykoum wahrahmatoe allahie wabrakatoe alhoumdillah dat er ook goeie Amerikaanen en Britten zijn die net als mij en andere moslims onze woede wel zullen begrijpen en Blair en Bush als een ware terrroristen zien en met deze niet moslims zou ik zeer zeker in vrede kunnen en willen leven alleen ben ik bang dat er dankzij deze 2 oorlogs misdadigers de kloof en de haat sterk is gegroeid tussen de moslims en niet moslims en het nog groter zal worden wanner ze andere islamitische landen zullen binnenvallen wa gair inshallah

ASALAAMO3ALAIKOMWARA7MATOLAAH WABARAKATOHO

broeder helemaal mee eens.

Amier: Een regering ontbreekt nog steeds in Somalia. Er zijn genoeg echte moslimbroeders en zusters in Somalia die een echte Islamitische staat willen, probleem wordt telkens inderdaad veroorzaakt door warlords. Of gefinancieerd door italianan, of de Amerikanen, ook de engelsen hebben hun favoriete warlords die ze sponsoren met wapens en geld. De rust die men wil na meer dan 25 jaar strijd voor de Islam, moet nou eens een keer omgezet worden in vrede.

Iedereen heeft wapens in dat land. Geen probleem vind ik. Maar als 1 partij in het bezit zou zijn van twee gepantserde tanks, zou zelfs ik de rust kunnen herstellen. Maar er mogen geen zaken gedaan worden met Somalia (van bemoeial amerika) waardoor niemand echt de rust gaat kunnen brengen. Pakistan is bereid tanks te leveren, probleem is het transport naar Somalia. Over water zijn er te veel bemoezuchtige amerikaanse en andere westerse oorlogsschepen die de regio teroriseren.

Twee tanks!!!! En zelfs ik kan de rust laten wederkeren en de grondwet laten werken. Ik heb niet veel tijd om hier verder op in te gaan, ik laat het voorlopig hierbij. Wa alaikum salaam

In eerste instantie geplaatst door pietjepuk Juist. Ik vind de democratie zoals wij dat kennen praktisch gezien de beste staatsvorm waarin een mens kan leven. De democratie zorgt voor een zeker evenwicht binnen de samenleving. Dit betekent niet dat onze democratie foutoos is. Maar ieder individu heeft redelijk veel vrijheid. Vrijheid van geloof, vrijheid van het oprichten een politieke partij, stemrecht, vrijheid van meningsuiting, etc. En dat is een heel groot goed. Als de mens de 10 geboden strikt na zou leven zou de samenleving ook werken. Helaas 'moet ' de mens geremd worden door tegenkrachten om niet anderen te willen overheersen. Macht corrumpeert helaas altijd. Welk geloof je ook aanhangt, welke indelogie je ook nastreeft.

Het kwaad stop je niet....Geen enkel geloofs of regeringsvorm kan dit veranderen.Het is naief van de mens om te denken Satan te kunnen stoppen en 6 miljard mensen op 1 lijn te krijgen.Over 100 jaar zitten we hier waarschijnlijk met ruim 20 miljard of meer...En de ellende zal nog veel grooter worden.

Men bejubeld nu de terugtrekking van de troepen uit Irak....

Maar men vergeet de haat die daar zit tussen de bevolking naar elkaar,ze slachten elkaar af bij honderden. Onbegrijpelijk dat ik niets hoor van aanbiedingen van Moslimlanden om troepen te leveren om de rust terug te brengen tussen de Sjiieten en Soenieten al daar.

In eerste instantie geplaatst door pietjepuk Daar is moed voor nodig.

Daar zal een regeringsleider zich niet zo druk om maken...Die zit immers op veilige afstand.Maar om nou toe te kijken omdat je weet dat veel van je eigen geloofsgenooten daar de Hel openbaar maken om anderen tot (inzicht) met geweld te brengen,vind ik nou niet bepaald het volgen van de leer van Mohammed als men niet op eigen grond aangevallen wordt.Het is de zelfde denkwijze als Bush met zijn democratie.De eene keer is het een geloofskwestie...En de andere keer weer een grens kwestie...Beetje vreemd allemaal.En ondertussen viert Satan rustig zijn feestje door leed onder de mensen toe te brengen.In Ierland zagen we jaren het zelfde,ik ben blij dat daar nu rust is gekomen.Spanningen zijn er nog wel,maar de rust is in iedergeval een sterk + punt.  

In eerste instantie geplaatst door pietjepuk Daar komt bij dat het veel gemakkelijker is te wijzen naar Amerika en/of de westerse wereld. En zo blijft de status quo in het Midden Oosten gehandhaaft. Geen beweging in te krijgen, door gebrek aan moed en kritisch vermogen.

Neemt niet weg dat wij ook schuld zijn aan de ellende die er in de wereld is,want zolang wij maar goedkoop aan grondstoffen komen en de andere kant ons niets kan maken,laten wij het ook maar voor wat het is.Ons verwonderend dat er dan op een gegeven moment vliegtuigen in torens worden geramt...Kijk weet je...We kunnen wel steeds de andere kant op blijven kijken,maar vroeg of laat zien wij een paddenstoel aan de hemel,het zal de rijken worst wezen.Maar het spel is dan een heel eind uit.En kan je de aarde op de schroothoop leggen.En die schroothoop wordt met de dag groter,alleen al aan de vervuiling waarbij we al half de andere kant op kijken en waarbij we eigenlijk ook schijt aan het nageslacht hebben.De mens is in heel veel zaken behoorlijk kortzichtig.